Amid Australia's resources boom, which has led to higher export activities, the workers in the country's seaports are becoming more restive, as evidenced by increased strikes toward the end of 2011 and another round of industrial actions at the start of 2012.

Labor observers have noted the increasing use of lockouts and passing the responsibility of solving the industrial rows to Fair Work Australia, as previously happened with flag carrier Qantas Airways.

Union leaders are beginning to question if lockouts are being used by companies to elicit government intervention and subsequently the FWA to force settlements of industrial disputes that talks at the bargaining table fail to achieve.

In the recent industrial disputes involving members of the Maritime Union of Australia and two port companies, P&O Automotive and General Stevedoring and DP World failed to agree with port workers on their demand for higher wages, better superannuation payments and work safety issues, which led to lockouts of port workers.

In mid-December workers of five ports run by POAGS in Fremantle, Bunbury and Port Hedland in Western Australia, Melbourne in Victoria and Port Kembia in New South Wales held a weekend strike to push for a 5 per cent yearly salary hike for the next three years, improved superannuation benefits and other safety concern.

POAGS made a counteroffer of 4 per cent wage increase which would even by paid for through productivity trader-offs such as removal of paid meal breaks. The stevedoring firm then locked out workers at Fremantle and Bunbury ports and flew in workers to perform stevedoring work at Port Kembia.

The industrial dispute was settled after newly appointed Workplace Relations Minister Bill Shorten intervened. The MUA members voted to return to work and return to the negotiating table but limited the agenda to pay issues.

"We need to make it clear that we won't be moving on our safety claims - that's something we're not willing to move on," MUA Organiser Danny Cain said in a statement.

The restiveness soon spread in early January to MUA members who are employed by DP World at the Adelaide Port. The port employees struck over the weekend, disrupting the shipping schedule. The Adelaide port workers' situation was similar to their counterparts at POAGS.

They are seeking better pay and improved work safety, in addition to pushing for regularisation of the employment status of casual workers who numbered more than permanent stevedores. The trigger to the job walkout by the Adelaide Port workers, which also resulted in a lock out, was an impasse on the enterprise negotiations after eight long months of discussions.

The growing restiveness is starting to worry exporters and local companies that rely on the swift movement of their cargo. One industry that has aired concern over the impact of the Adelaide port workers strike is the diary industry.

Kerry Callow, president of the United Dairy Farmers of Victoria urged immediate action to resolve the industrial row because their reputation as providers is at stake. About 80 per cent of Australia's dairy output is from Victoria.

However, unlike the POAGS labor dispute, Shorten refused this time to intervene since neither the MUA nor DP World has indicated they want federal government arbitration. He said he does not intend to micromanage every labor dispute that hits industries.

The striking Adelaide port workers, in turn, got support from the International Transport Federation, which condemned the use by companies of lockout which the ITF stressed in not an acceptable course of action, especially from global employers. The ITF promised to show their solidarity with the Adelaide port workers, who are planning another 24-hour strike at DP World's Melbourne terminal on Tuesday night.

In turn, DP World plans to resort against to another lockout which would worsen the movement of cargo which has so far affected 16 vessels and 20,000 containers. The issue may go beyond Australia because of ITF's hint of solidarity for MUA members.

The MUA, which counts 13,000 members, is an affiliate of the ITF.

Australian port workers have a long history of oppression, including the use of legislation such as the War Precautions Act of 1914 and the Transport Workers Act of 1928 which required port workers to have a licence - more popularly known as the dog collar - to work.

However, a seven-hour meeting between MUA and DP World on Friday night led to an agreement to go for another enterprise bargaining agreement discussion and the lifting of the strike. Since the new deal would be subject to member approval, the restiveness has been capped in the meantime.

At the heart of the dispute, more than pay raises which form the core of industrial disputes, is the safety of port workers.

According to the MUA, one third of its workforce in WA at POAGS is on workers compensation caused by lack of fatigue management since stevedores work up to 12 hours per shift with not enough breaks in between.

The union warned that its members in WA are at a 40 per cent higher risk of death compared to other Australian workers.

MUA pointed out that POAGS is headed by Chris Corrigan, the same head of Patrick Corporation which fired the entire 1,427 workforce at a 1998 waterfront dispute, although the High Court ruled against the move.

The portal World Socialist Web Site views the appointment of Shorten and Greg Combet to key Cabinet posts in December as a move by the Australian government to act on the demands of companies for cost-cutting measures in key economic sectors in a bid to for the country to be internationally competitive amid threats of another global crisis from the European debt contagion.

Ironically, even if both Shorten and Combet were once union officials, the Web site charged both officials of having years of experiencing suppressing workers; struggles to cater to the needs of big business.

Shorten is a former national secretary of the Australian Workers Union and Comber was former secretary of the Australian Council of Trade Unions.

The portal cited ombet's efforts to break up the widespread support among the working class for the laid-off Patrick workers and his role in brokering a deal that increased the use of casual workers at POAGS' terminals, which is now a key issue in the labor dispute at DP World.

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